Category: Hindus’ History
A Hindu Genocide
Story of India’s Current National Anthen – in Hindi
From: Asha Gupta
जन गण मन की कहानी
सन 1911 तक भारत की राजधानी बंगाल हुआ करता था। सन 1905 में जब बंगाल विभाजन को लेकर अंग्रेजो के खिलाफ बंग-भंग आन्दोलन के विरोध में बंगाल के लोग उठ खड़े हुए तो अंग्रेजो ने अपने आपको बचाने के लिए के कलकत्ता से हटाकर राजधानी को दिल्ली ले गए और 1911में दिल्ली को राजधानी घोषित कर दिया। पूरे भारत में उस समय लोग विद्रोह से भरे हुए थे तो अंग्रेजो ने अपने इंग्लॅण्ड के राजा को भारत आमंत्रित किया ताकि लोग शांत हो जाये। इंग्लैंड का
राजा जोर्ज पंचम 1911 में भारत में आया। रविंद्रनाथ टैगोर पर दबाव बनाया गया कि तुम्हे एक गीत जोर्ज पंचम के स्वागत में लिखना ही होगा।
उस समय टैगोर का परिवार अंग्रेजों के काफी नजदीक हुआ करता था, उनके परिवार के बहुत से लोग ईस्ट इंडिया कंपनी के लिए काम किया करते थे, उनके बड़े भाई अवनींद्र नाथ टैगोर बहुत दिनों तक ईस्ट इंडिया कंपनी के कलकत्ता डिविजन के निदेशक (Director) रहे। उनके परिवार का बहुत पैसा ईस्ट इंडिया
कंपनी में लगा हुआ था। और खुद रविन्द्र नाथ टैगोर की बहुत सहानुभूति थी अंग्रेजों के लिए। रविंद्रनाथ टैगोर ने मन से या बेमन से जो गीत लिखा उसके बोल है “जन गण मन अधिनायक जय हे भारत भाग्य विधाता”। इस गीत के सारे के सारे शब्दों में अंग्रेजी राजा जोर्ज पंचम का गुणगान है, जिसका अर्थ समझने पर पता लगेगा कि ये तो हकीक़त में ही
अंग्रेजो की खुशामद में लिखा गया था।
इस राष्ट्रगान का अर्थ कुछ इस तरह से होता है “भारत के नागरिक, भारत की जनता अपने मन से आपको भारत का भाग्य विधाता समझती है और मानती है। हे अधिनायक (Superhero) तुम्ही भारत
के भाग्य विधाता हो। तुम्हारी जय हो ! जय हो ! जय हो ! तुम्हारे भारत आने से सभी प्रान्त पंजाब, सिंध, गुजरात, मराठा मतलब महारास्त्र, द्रविड़मतलब दक्षिण भारत, उत्कल मतलब उड़ीसा, बंगाल आदि और जितनी भी नदिया जैसे यमुना और गंगा ये सभी हर्षित है, खुश है, प्रसन्न है , तुम्हारा नाम लेकर ही हम जागते है और तुम्हारे नाम का आशीर्वाद चाहते है। तुम्हारी ही हम गाथा गाते है। हे भारत के भाग्य
विधाता (सुपर हीरो ) तुम्हारी जय हो जय हो जय हो। ”
जोर्ज पंचम भारत आया 1911 में और उसके स्वागत में ये गीत गाया गया। जब वो इंग्लैंड चला गया तो उसने उस जन गण मन का अंग्रेजी में अनुवाद करवाया। क्योंकि जब भारत में उसका इस गीत से स्वागत हुआ था तब उसके समझ में नहीं आया था कि ये गीत क्यों गाया गया और इसका अर्थ क्या है। जब अंग्रेजी अनुवाद उसने सुना तो वह बोला कि इतना सम्मान और इतनी खुशामद तो मेरी आज तक इंग्लॅण्ड में भी किसी ने नहीं की। वह बहुत खुश हुआ। उसने आदेश दिया कि जिसने भी ये गीत उसके (जोर्ज पंचम के) लिए लिखा है उसे इंग्लैंड बुलाया जाये। रविन्द्र नाथ टैगोर इंग्लैंड गए। जोर्ज पंचम उस समय नोबल पुरस्कार समिति का अध्यक्ष भी था।
उसने रविन्द्र नाथ टैगोर को नोबल पुरस्कार से सम्मानित करने का फैसला किया। तो रविन्द्र नाथ टैगोर ने इस नोबल पुरस्कार को लेने से मना कर दिया। क्यों कि गाँधी जी ने बहुत बुरी तरह से रविन्द्रनाथ टेगोर को उनके इस गीत के लिए खूब डांटा था। टैगोर ने कहा की आप मुझे नोबल पुरस्कार देना ही चाहते हैं तो मैंने एक गीतांजलि नामक रचना लिखी है उस पर मुझे दे दो लेकिन इस गीत के नाम पर मत दो और यही प्रचारित किया जाये क़ि मुझे जो नोबेलपुरस्कार दिया गया है वो गीतांजलि नामक रचना के ऊपर दिया गया है। जोर्ज पंचम मान गया और रविन्द्र नाथ टैगोर को सन 1913 में गीतांजलि नामक रचना के ऊपर नोबल पुरस्कार दिया गया।
रविन्द्र नाथ टैगोर की ये सहानुभूति ख़त्म हुई 1919 में जब जलिया वाला कांड हुआ और गाँधी जी ने लगभग गाली की भाषा में उनको पत्र लिखा और कहा क़ि अभी भी तुम्हारी आँखों से अंग्रेजियत का पर्दा नहीं उतरेगा तो कब उतरेगा,तुम अंग्रेजों के इतने चाटुकार कैसे हो गए, तुम इनके इतने समर्थक कैसे हो गए ? फिर गाँधी जी स्वयं रविन्द्र नाथ टैगोर से मिलने गए और बहुत जोर से डाटा कि अभी तक तुम अंग्रेजो की अंध भक्ति में डूबे हुए हो ? तब जाकर रविंद्रनाथ टैगोर की नीद खुली। इस काण्ड का टैगोर ने विरोध किया और नोबल पुरस्कार अंग्रेजी हुकूमत को लौटा दिया। सन 1919 से पहले जितना कुछ भी रविन्द्र नाथ टैगोर ने लिखा वो अंग्रेजी सरकार के पक्ष में था और 1919के बाद उनके लेख कुछ कुछ अंग्रेजो के खिलाफ होने लगे थे।
रविन्द्र नाथ टेगोर के बहनोई, सुरेन्द्र नाथ बनर्जी लन्दन में रहते थे और ICS ऑफिसर थे। अपने बहनोई को उन्होंने एक पत्र लिखा था (ये 1919 के बाद की घटना है) । इसमें उन्होंने लिखा है कि ये गीत ‘जन गण मन’ अंग्रेजो के द्वारा मुझ
पर दबाव डलवाकर लिखवाया गया है। इसके शब्दों का अर्थ अच्छा नहीं है। इस गीत को नहीं गाया जाये तो अच्छा है। लेकिन अंत में उन्होंने लिख दिया कि इस चिठ्ठी को किसी को नहीं दिखाए क्योंकि मैं इसे सिर्फ आप तक सीमित रखना चाहता हूँ लेकिन जब कभी मेरी म्रत्यु हो जाये तो सबको बता दे। 7 अगस्त 1941 को रबिन्द्र नाथ टैगोर की मृत्यु के बाद इस पत्र को सुरेन्द्र नाथ बनर्जी ने ये पत्र सार्वजनिक किया, और सारे देश को ये कहा क़ि ये जन गन मन गीत न गाया जाये।
1941 तक कांग्रेस पार्टी थोड़ी उभर चुकी थी। लेकिन वह दो खेमो में बट गई। जिसमे एक खेमे के समर्थक बाल गंगाधर तिलक थे और दुसरे खेमे में मोती लाल नेहरु थे। मतभेद था सरकार बनाने को लेकर। मोती लाल नेहरु चाहते थे कि स्वतंत्र भारत की सरकार अंग्रेजो के साथ कोई संयोजक सरकार (Coalition Government) बने। जबकि गंगाधर तिलक कहते थे कि अंग्रेजो के साथ मिलकर सरकार बनाना तो भारत के लोगों को धोखा देना है। इस मतभेद के कारण लोकमान्य तिलक कांग्रेस से निकल गए और उन्होंने गरम दल बनाया। कोंग्रेस के दो हिस्से हो गए। एक नरम दल और एक गरम दल।
गरम दल के नेता थे लोकमान्य तिलक जैसे क्रन्तिकारी। वे हर जगह वन्दे मातरम गाया करते थे। और नरम दल के नेता थे मोती लाल नेहरु (यहाँ मैं स्पष्ट कर दूँ कि गांधीजी उस समय तक कांग्रेस की आजीवन सदस्यता से इस्तीफा दे चुके थे, वो किसी तरफ नहीं थे, लेकिन गाँधी जी दोनों पक्ष के लिए आदरणीय थे क्योंकि गाँधी जी देश के लोगों के आदरणीय थे)। लेकिन नरम दल वाले ज्यादातर अंग्रेजो के साथ रहते थे। उनके साथ रहना, उनको सुनना, उनकी बैठकों में शामिल होना। हर समय अंग्रेजो से समझौते में रहते थे। वन्देमातरम से अंग्रेजो को बहुत चिढ होती थी। नरम दल वाले गरम दल को चिढाने के लिए 1911 में लिखा गया गीत “जन गण मन” गाया करते थे और गरम दल वाले “वन्दे मातरम”।
नरम दल वाले अंग्रेजों के समर्थक थे और अंग्रेजों को ये गीत पसंद नहीं था तो अंग्रेजों के कहने पर नरम दल वालों ने उस समय एक हवा उड़ा दी कि मुसलमानों को वन्दे मातरम नहीं गाना चाहिए क्यों कि इसमें बुतपरस्ती (मूर्ति पूजा) है। और आप जानते है कि मुसलमान मूर्ति पूजा के कट्टर विरोधी है। उस समय मुस्लिम लीग भी बन गई थी जिसके प्रमुख मोहम्मद अली जिन्ना थे। उन्होंने भी इसका विरोध करना शुरू कर दिया क्योंकि जिन्ना भी देखने भर को (उस समय तक) भारतीय थे मन,कर्म और वचन से अंग्रेज ही थे उन्होंने भी अंग्रेजों के इशारे पर ये कहना शुरू किया और मुसलमानों को वन्दे मातरम गाने से मना कर दिया।
जब भारत सन 1947 में स्वतंत्र हो गया तो जवाहर लाल नेहरु ने इसमें राजनीति कर डाली। संविधान सभा की बहस चली। संविधान सभा के 319 में से 318 सांसद ऐसे थे जिन्होंने बंकिम बाबु द्वारा लिखित वन्देमातरम को राष्ट्र गान स्वीकार करने पर सहमति जताई। बस एक सांसद ने इस प्रस्ताव को नहीं माना। और उस एक सांसद का नाम था पंडित जवाहर लाल नेहरु। उनका तर्क था कि वन्दे मातरम गीत से मुसलमानों के दिल को चोट पहुचती है इसलिए इसे नहीं गाना चाहिए (दरअसल इस गीत से मुसलमानों को नहीं अंग्रेजों के दिल को चोट पहुंचती थी)। अब इस झगडे का फैसला कौन करे, तो वे पहुचे गाँधी जी के पास। गाँधी जी ने कहा कि जन गन मन के पक्ष में तो मैं भी नहीं हूँ और तुम (नेहरु ) वन्देमातरम के पक्ष में नहीं हो तो कोई तीसरा गीत तैयार किया जाये। तो महात्मा गाँधी ने तीसरा विकल्प झंडा गान के रूप में दिया “विजयी विश्व तिरंगा प्यारा झंडा ऊँचा रहे हमारा”। लेकिन नेहरु जी उस पर भी तैयार नहीं हुए। नेहरु जी का तर्क था कि झंडा गान ओर्केस्ट्रा पर नहीं बज सकता और जन गन मन ओर्केस्ट्रा पर बज सकता है।
उस समय बात नहीं बनी तो नेहरु जी ने इस मुद्दे को गाँधी जी की मृत्यु तक टाले रखा और उनकी मृत्यु के बाद नेहरु जी ने जन गण मन को राष्ट्र गान घोषित कर दिया और जबरदस्ती भारतीयों पर इसे थोप दिया गया जबकि इसके जो बोल है उनका अर्थ कुछ और ही कहानी प्रस्तुत करते है,और दूसरा पक्ष नाराज न हो इसलिए वन्दे मातरम को राष्ट्रगीत बना दिया गया लेकिन कभी गया नहीं गया। नेहरु जी कोई ऐसा काम नहीं करना चाहते थे जिससे कि अंग्रेजों के दिल को चोट पहुंचे, मुसलमानों के वो इतने हिमायती कैसे हो सकते थे जिस आदमी ने पाकिस्तान बनवा दिया जब कि इस देश के मुसलमान पाकिस्तान नहीं चाहते थे,जन गण मन को इस लिए तरजीह दी गयी क्योंकि वो अंग्रेजों की भक्ति में गाया गया गीत था और वन्देमातरम इसलिए पीछे रह गया क्योंकि इस गीत से अंगेजों को दर्द होता था।
बीबीसी ने एक सर्वे किया था। उसने पूरे संसार में जितने भी भारत के लोग रहते थे, उनसे पुछा कि आपको दोनों में से कौन सा गीत ज्यादा पसंद है तो 99 % लोगों ने कहा वन्देमातरम। बीबीसी के इस सर्वे से एक बात और साफ़ हुई कि दुनिया के सबसे लोकप्रिय गीतों में दुसरे नंबर पर वन्देमातरम है। कई देश है जिनके लोगों को इसके बोल समझ में नहीं आते है लेकिन वो कहते है कि इसमें जो लय है उससे एक जज्बा पैदा होता है।
तो ये इतिहास है वन्दे मातरम का और जन गण मन का। अब ये आप को तय करना है कि आपको क्या गाना है ?
इतने लम्बे पत्र को आपने धैर्यपूर्वक पढ़ा इसके लिए आपका धन्यवाद्। और अच्छा लगा हो तो इसे फॉरवर्ड कीजिये, आप अगर और भारतीय भाषाएँ जानते हों तो इसे उस भाषा में अनुवादित कीजिये अंग्रेजी छोड़ कर।
जय हिंद |
ॐ सर्वे भवन्तु सुखिनः सर्वे सन्तु निरामयाः । सर्वे भद्राणिपश्यन्तु मा कश्चिद्दुःखभाग्भवेत् ।
ॐ शान्तिः शान्
What Caused India’s Partition in 1947
From: Yogesh Saxena
The first steps were taken toward self-government in British India in the late 19th century with the appointment of Indian counsellors to advise the British viceroy and the establishment of provincial councils with Indian members; the British subsequently widened participation in legislative councils with the Indian Councils Act 1892. Municipal Corporations and District Boards were created for local administration; they included elected Indian members.
The Indian Councils Act 1909 — also known as the Morley-Minto Reforms (John Morley was the secretary of state for India, and Gilbert Elliot, fourth earl of Minto, was viceroy) — gave Indians limited roles in the central and provincial legislatures, known as legislative councils. Indians had previously been appointed to legislative councils, but after the reforms some were elected to them. At the centre, the majority of council members continued to be government-appointed officials, and the viceroy was in no way responsible to the legislature. At the provincial level, the elected members, together with unofficial appointees, outnumbered the appointed officials, but responsibility of the governor to the legislature was not contemplated. Morley made it clear in introducing the legislation to the British Parliament that parliamentary self-government was not the goal of the British government.
The Morley-Minto Reforms were a milestone. Step by step, the elective principle was introduced for membership in Indian legislative councils. The “electorate” was limited, however, to a small group of upper-class Indians. These elected members increasingly became an “opposition” to the “official government”. The Communal electorates were later extended to other communities and made a political factor of the Indian tendency toward group identification through religion.
World War I would prove to be a watershed in the imperial relationship between Britain and India. 1.4 million Indian and British soldiers of the British Indian Army would take part in the war and their participation would have a wider cultural fallout: news of Indian soldiers fighting and dying with British soldiers, as well as soldiers from dominions like Canada and Australia, would travel to distant corners of the world both in newsprint and by the new medium of the radio.[8] India’s international profile would thereby rise and would continue to rise during the 1920s.[8] It was to lead, among other things, to India, under its own name, becoming a founding member of the League of Nations in 1920 and participating, under the name, “Les Indes Anglaises” (The British Indies), in the 1920 Summer Olympics in Antwerp.[9] Back in India, especially among the leaders of the Indian National Congress, it would lead to calls for greater self-government for Indians.[8]
In 1916, in the face of new strength demonstrated by the nationalists with the signing of the Lucknow Pact and the founding of the Home Rule leagues, and the realization, after the disaster in the Mesopotamian campaign, that the war would likely last longer, the new Viceroy, Lord Chelmsford, cautioned that the Government of India needed to be more responsive to Indian opinion.[10] Towards the end of the year, after discussions with the government in London, he suggested that the British demonstrate their good faith – in light of the Indian war role – through a number of public actions, including awards of titles and honors to princes, granting of commissions in the army to Indians, and removal of the much-reviled cotton excise duty, but most importantly, an announcement of Britain’s future plans for India and an indication of some concrete steps.[10] After more discussion, in August 1917, the new Liberal Secretary of State for India, Edwin Montagu, announced the British aim of “increasing association of Indians in every branch of the administration, and the gradual development of self-governing institutions, with a view to the progressive realization of responsible government in India as an integral part of the British Empire.”[10] This envisioned reposing confidence in the educated Indians, so far disdained as an unrepresentative minority, who were described by Montague as “Intellectually our children”.[11] The pace of the reforms where to be determined by Britain as and when the Indians were seen to have earned it.[11] However, although the plan envisioned limited self-government at first only in the provinces – with India emphatically within the British Empire – it represented the first British proposal for any form of representative government in a non-white colony.
Earlier, at the onset of World War I, the reassignment of most of the British army in India to Europe and Mesopotamia had led the previous Viceroy, Lord Harding, to worry about the “risks involved in denuding India of troops.”[8] Revolutionary violence had already been a concern in British India; consequently in 1915, to strengthen its powers during what it saw was a time of increased vulnerability, the Government of India passed the Defence of India Act, which allowed it to intern politically dangerous dissidents without due process and added to the power it already had – under the 1910 Press Act – both to imprison journalists without trial and to censor the press.[12] Now, as constitutional reform began to be discussed in earnest, the British began to consider how new moderate Indians could be brought into the fold of constitutional politics and simultaneously, how the hand of established constitutionalists could be strengthened.[12] However, since the reform plan was devised during a time when extremist violence had ebbed as a result of increased war-time governmental control and it now feared a revival of revolutionary violence,[11] the government also began to consider how some of its war-time powers could be extended into peace time.[12][12]
Consequently in 1917, even as Edwin Montagu announced the new constitutional reforms, a sedition committee chaired by a British judge, Mr. S. A. T. Rowlatt, was tasked with investigating war-time revolutionary conspiracies and the German and Bolshevik links to the violence in India,[13][14][15] with the unstated goal of extending the government’s war-time powers.[10] The Rowlatt committee presented its report in July 1918 and identified three regions of conspiratorial insurgency: Bengal, the Bombay presidency, and the Punjab.[10] To combat subversive acts in these regions, the committee recommended that the government use emergency powers akin to its war-time authority, which included the ability to try cases of sedition by a panel of three judges and without juries, exaction of securities from suspects, governmental overseeing of residences of suspects,[10] and the power for provincial governments to arrest and detain suspects in short-term detention facilities and without trial.[16]
With the end of World War I, there was also a change in the economic climate. By year’s end 1919, 1.5 million Indians had served in the armed services in either combatant or non-combatant roles, and India had provided £146 million in revenue for the war.[17] The increased taxes coupled with disruptions in both domestic and international trade had the effect of approximately doubling the index of overall prices in India between 1914 and 1920.[17] Returning war veterans, especially in the Punjab, created a growing unemployment crisis[18] and post-war inflation led to food riots in Bombay, Madras, and Bengal provinces,[18] a situation that was made only worse by the failure of the 1918-19 monsoon and by profiteering and speculation.[17] The global influenza epidemic and the Bolshevik Revolution of 1917 added to the general jitters; the former among the population already experiencing economic woes,[18] and the latter among government officials, fearing a similar revolution in India.[19]
To combat what it saw as a coming crisis, the government now drafted the Rowlatt committee’s recommendations into two Rowlatt Bills.[16] Although the bills were authorised for legislative consideration by Edwin Montagu, they were done so unwillingly, with the accompanying declaration, “I loathe the suggestion at first sight of preserving the Defence of India Act in peace time to such an extent as Rowlatt and his friends think necessary.”[10] In the ensuing discussion and vote in the Imperial Legislative Council, all Indian members voiced opposition to the bills. The Government of India was nevertheless able to use of its “official majority” to ensure passage of the bills early in 1919.[10] However, what it passed, in deference to the Indian opposition, was a lesser version of the first bill, which now allowed extrajudicial powers, but for a period of exactly three years and for the prosecution solely of “anarchical and revolutionary movements,” dropping entirely the second bill involving modification of the Indian Penal Code.[10] Even so, when it was passed the new Rowlatt Act aroused widespread indignation throughout India and brought Mohandas Gandhi to the forefront of the nationalist movement.[16]
Meanwhile, Montagu and Chelmsford themselves finally presented their report in July 1918 after a long fact-finding trip through India the previous winter.[20] After more discussion by the government and parliament in Britain, and another tour by the Franchise and Functions Committee for the purpose of identifying who among the Indian population could vote in future elections, the Government of India Act 1919 (also known as the Montagu-Chelmsford Reforms) was passed in December 1919.[20] The new Act enlarged the provincial councils and converted the Imperial Legislative Council into an enlarged Central Legislative Assembly. It also repealed the Government of India’s recourse to the “official majority” in unfavorable votes.[20] Although departments like defense, foreign affairs, criminal law, communications and income-tax were retained by the Viceroy and the central government in New Delhi, other departments like public health, education, land-revenue and local self-government were transferred to the provinces.[20] The provinces themselves were now to be administered under a new dyarchical system, whereby some areas like education, agriculture, infrastructure development, and local self-government became the preserve of Indian ministers and legislatures, and ultimately the Indian electorates, while others like irrigation, land-revenue, police, prisons, and control of media remained within the purview of the British governor and his executive council.[20] The new Act also made it easier for Indians to be admitted into the civil service and the army officer corps.
A greater number of Indians were now enfranchised, although, for voting at the national level, they constituted only 10% of the total adult male population, many of whom were still illiterate.[20] In the provincial legislatures, the British continued to exercise some control by setting aside seats for special interests they considered cooperative or useful. In particular, rural candidates, generally sympathetic to British rule and less confrontational, were assigned more seats than their urban counterparts.[20] Seats were also reserved for non-Brahmins, landowners, businessmen, and college graduates. The principal of “communal representation”, an integral part of the Minto-Morley reforms, and more recently of the Congress-Muslim League Lucknow Pact, was reaffirmed, with seats being reserved for Muslims, Sikhs, Indian Christians, Anglo-Indians, and domiciled Europeans, in both provincial and Imperial legislative councils.[20] The Montagu-Chelmsford reforms offered Indians the most significant opportunity yet for exercising legislative power, especially at the provincial level; however, that opportunity was also restricted by the still limited number of eligible voters, by the small budgets available to provincial legislatures, and by the presence of rural and special interest seats that were seen as instruments of British control.[20]
In 1935, after the Round Table Conferences, the British Parliament approved the Government of India Act 1935, which authorised the establishment of independent legislative assemblies in all provinces of British India, the creation of a central government incorporating both the British provinces and the princely states, and the protection of Muslim minorities.[3] The future Constitution of independent India would owe a great deal to the text of this act.[21] The act also provided for a bicameral national parliament and an executive branch under the purview of the British government. Although the national federation was never realised, nationwide elections for provincial assemblies were held in 1937. Despite initial hesitation, the Congress took part in the elections and won victories in seven of the eleven provinces of British India,[22] and Congress governments, with wide powers, were formed in these provinces. In Great Britain, these victories were to later turn the tide for the idea of Indian independence.[22]
With the outbreak of World War II in 1939, the viceroy, Lord Linlithgow, declared war on India’s behalf without consulting Indian leaders, leading the Congress provincial ministries to resign in protest. The Muslim League, in contrast, supported Britain in the war effort; however, it now took the view that Muslims would be unfairly treated in an independent India dominated by the Congress. The British government—through its Cripps’ mission—attempted to secure Indian nationalists’ cooperation in the war effort in exchange for independence afterwards; however, the negotiations between them and the Congress broke down. Gandhi, subsequently, launched the “Quit India” movement in August 1942, demanding the immediate withdrawal of the British from India or face nationwide civil disobedience. Along with all other Congress leaders, Gandhi was immediately imprisoned, and the country erupted in violent demonstrations led by students and later by peasant political groups, especially in Eastern United Provinces, Bihar, and western Bengal. The large war-time British Army presence in India led to most of the movement being crushed in a little more than six weeks;[23] nonetheless, a portion of the movement formed for a time an underground provisional government on the border with Nepal.[23] In other parts of India, the movement was less spontaneous and the protest less intensive, however it lasted sporadically into the summer of 1943.[24]
With Congress leaders in jail, attention also turned to Subhas Bose, who had been ousted from the Congress in 1939 following differences with the more conservative high command;[25] Bose now turned to the Axis powers for help with liberating India by force.[26] With Japanese support, he organised the Indian National Army, composed largely of Indian soldiers of the British Indian army who had been captured at Singapore by the Japanese. From the onset of the war, the Japanese secret service had promoted unrest in South east Asia to destabilise the British War effort,[27] and came to support a number of puppet and provisional governments in the captured regions, including those in Burma, the Philippines and Vietnam, the Provisional Government of Azad Hind (Free India), presided by Bose.[28] Bose’s effort, however, was short lived; after the reverses of 1944, the reinforced British Indian Army in 1945 first halted and then reversed the Japanese U Go offensive, beginning the successful part of the Burma Campaign. Bose’s Indian National Army surrendered with the recapture of Singapore, and Bose died in a plane crash soon thereafter. The trials of the INA soldiers at Red Fort in late 1945 however caused widespread public unrest and nationalist violence in India.[29]
In January 1946, a number of mutinies broke out in the armed services, starting with that of RAF servicemen frustrated with their slow repatriation to Britain.[30] The mutinies came to a head with mutiny of the Royal Indian Navy in Bombay in February 1946, followed by others in Calcutta, Madras, and Karachi. Although the mutinies were rapidly suppressed, they found much public support in India and had the effect of spurring the new Labour government in Britain to action, and leading to the Cabinet Mission to India led by the Secretary of State for India, Lord Pethick Lawrence, and including Sir Stafford Cripps, who had visited four years before.[30]
Also in early 1946, new elections were called in India in which the Congress won electoral victories in eight of the eleven provinces.[31] The negotiations between the Congress and the Muslim League, however, stumbled over the issue of the partition. Jinnah proclaimed August 16, 1946, Direct Action Day, with the stated goal of highlighting, peacefully, the demand for a Muslim homeland in British India. The following day Hindu-Muslim riots broke out in Calcutta and quickly spread throughout India. Although the Government of India and the Congress were both shaken by the course of events, in September, a Congress-led interim government was installed, with Jawaharlal Nehru as united India’s prime minister.
Later that year, the Labor government in Britain, its exchequer exhausted by the recently concluded World War II, decided to end British rule of India, and in early 1947 Britain announced its intention of transferring power no later than June 1948.
As independence approached, the violence between Hindus and Muslims in the provinces of Punjab and Bengal continued unabated. With the British army unprepared for the potential for increased violence, the new viceroy, Louis Mountbatten, advanced the date for the transfer of power, allowing less than six months for a mutually agreed plan for independence. In June 1947, the nationalist leaders, including Nehru and Abul Kalam Azad on behalf of the Congress, Jinnah representing the Muslim League, B. R. Ambedkar representing the Untouchable community, and Master Tara Singh representing the Sikhs, agreed to a partition of the country along religious lines. The predominantly Hindu and Sikh areas were assigned to the new India and predominantly Muslim areas to the new nation of Pakistan; the plan included a partition of the Muslim-majority provinces of Punjab and Bengal.
Many millions of Muslim, Sikh, and Hindu refugees trekked across the newly drawn borders. In Punjab, where the new border lines divided the Sikh regions in half, massive bloodshed followed; in Bengal and Bihar, where Gandhi’s presence assuaged communal tempers, the violence was more limited. In all, anywhere between 250,000 and 500,000 people on both sides of the new borders died in the violence.[32] On August 14, 1947, the new Dominion of Pakistan came into being, with Muhammad Ali Jinnah sworn in as its first Governor General in Karachi. The following day, August 15, 1947, India, now a smaller Union of India, became an independent country with official ceremonies taking place in New Delhi, and with Jawaharlal Nehru assuming the office of the prime minister, and the viceroy, Louis Mountbatten, staying on as its first Governor General.
—
Yogesh Kumar Saxena Advocate Supreme Court
THE BIGGEST CRIME OF ISLAM
Islamic Imperialism/Barbarity in India – Videos
Jai Raj Yadav < > wrote:
From: Rabinder Koul < >
The greatest Heist in Indian history
From: Munieshwer A. Sagar
Subject: The greatest Heist in Indian history..How Indian History was changed and we didn’t even notice
The greatest Heist in Indian history..How Indian History was changed and we didn’t even notice. Part 1:The lost eon 4th Century AD to 1174 A.D
The Gupta dynasty as a dynasty, ended in about 6th century AD. However, the last meaningful king that our History textbooks bother to mention is Chandragupta II, whose reign ended in 4th Century AD. And then, the scene is fast forwarded to the point where Mohammad Ghauri invaded India in 1191, to start the Delhi Sultanate which would then metamorphose into the Islamic Empire. What does the above line tell you?
It tells you that an average tenth grader actually knows nothing about what happened in India in the intervening period between the Guptas and the Delhi Sultanate (A time period of about 800 years). At least they do not think it was worth remembering. To be fair they are not to blame, especially when you consider our academicians have dedicated ONE single Chapter in the Seventh standard History textbook, to cover the period when it was Indians who ruled the land..
Yes… ONE CHAPTER, COVERING A PERIOD OF A THOUSAND YEARS ENCOMPASSING THE WHOLE OF THE INDIAN CIVILAZTION. One Chapter from history lessons stretching across the fifth, sixth, seventh, eighth, ninth and the tenth grades of CBSE. One insignificant chapter in over five years of schooling dealing with a period of more than one thousand years.
This is that chapter.. Click on the image if you have the time and patience to revisit your seventh standard History textbook
Now why only one chapter, is known only to the enlightened souls who designed those textbooks. And as a result of either their deliberate oversight or perhaps pure ineptitude, most of the school children do not know have any idea about
The Harsha Empire
This empire was founded by King Harshavardhana. This guy ascended the throne immediately after the Gupta dynasty, at an age when we aren’t allowed to have a driving license or have a drink. He became an emperor at the age of sixteen in about 606 AD. He went on to capture what is today called North India (Including Kashmir) and Pakistan, His empire at its greatest extent looked something like this
He actually united all these states, something that we struggle to do even today!!!
He fought almost 300 battles in the 41 years he ruled with a win loss ratio that even Novak Djokovic would envy; 299-1. Uniting all these states, I guess was trouble even then.
Not only was he adept as a fighting machine, but actually authored three full length Sanskrit plays Ratnavali, Priyadarsika and Nagananda, while he was busy conquering. Nagananda especially is considered one of the greatest plays ever written in Sanskrit literature. It is thought to be the first play ever to have five acts where the tone changes midway from Romance to horror and ends with the villain turning into the hero. This guy introduced plot twists and ‘cut to the chase‘ in the 6th century AD. And all of that was probably thought in the middle of a battle.
Amongst Harsha’s other achievements, was that he was the first to abolish Sati as a rule in his kingdom, some 800 years before Raja Ram Mohan Roy was even born. He was a major patron of the Nalanda University, and was the title sponsor of the ramparts around it, for protection from invaders and other pricks. No wonder Nalanda expanded singularly because of this guys patronage.
Harsha was the first King to have ever established a diplomatic relationship with China, with ambassadors and gifts being exchanged in 630 AD. And last but not the least the guy in the pic below lived in the kingdom of Harsha, and was patronized by this emperor so that he could work on his field of expertise.
This was the guy who went on to INVENT THE ZERO!!!!
Surely Emperor Harsha deserves more than the 10 lines that he currently gets in our history textbook.
OR
The Pala dynasty
This dynasty was founded by Gopala in Bengal in the year 705 AD. This guy was not your run-of-the-mill type of tyrant that were prevalent those days.
Gopala was DEMOCRATICALLY elected by the people of his kingdom. He was the FIRST EVER democratically elected ruler in South Asia, perhaps even Asia and even the world. Giving people right to elect the ruler wasn’t the most fashionable thing those days you know!!!!
Legend goes that people of Bengal at that time were sick of repeated invasions, pillaging and general anarchy. So they got Gopala, the most powerful military dude in their kingdom, anointed him as their king. And boy did he rule! He and his successors ruled for the next 400 years. Yes… 4 centuries in all!
This was their empire at the peak of their power. Purely in terms of square kilometers, it exceeds even the Mughal Empire at its peak. Go figure….
Pala’s other achievements again had something to do with the Nalanda university. In those days, what would a king do if he captured a territory? His intentions would most probably be to rape, loot, pillage, plunder, destroy and disfigure, not necessarily in that order. And what did King Dhanapal do when he captured Nalanda? He adopted it and took it to even greater heights. And then figured one university was probably not enough. So he established the Vikaramashila University as well. These two universities are even today universally acknowledged to be the greatest universities ever in Indian History. One flourished under the Palas, and the other was established by them. And as a footnote, the entire region of Tibet adopted Buddhism because of this guy’s efforts. So the Dalai Lama, in some way, has to thank the Palas for his influence today.
So ruling almost the entire Indian Sub-continent (From Afghanistan to Myanmar), establishing not one but two of the greatest Universities of those times guarantees you a place in the annals of history as a magnificent king. But then the Palas did not stop at that. They then went on to build the biggest ever Buddhist Vihara or monastery, ever. The Somapura Mahavira consisted of 177 cells for the monks to live with a magnificent stupa in the middle. The entire campus occupied about 30 acres and rivaled the Pyramids for its opulence, but with a fundamental difference. The Somapura Mahavira was actually useful. In those times you couldn’t have been a great Buddhist monk if you hadn’t been to Somapura.
Kicks ass…doesn’t it
Apparently, an archeologist named J.C.French wanted to excavate the site of Somapura, but was refused citing lack of funds. Pretty much the story of the shortchanging of this great empire by our history. They deserve more than the 7 lines they get in our history textbook.
OR
The Chalukyas
Remember the King Harsha you met two paragraphs ago where I told you that he had a battlefield win loss ratio of 299-1? Well, The Chalukyas were responsible for that ‘one’ is his loss column.
And amongst many other things like inspiring the architecture that you have seen in Hampi, establishing and propagating the Kannada language, they also were the first ones in the world to legalize prostitution.
Poor souls don’t even get a mention in the text book.
Similarly
The Pallavas
You all know Chalukyas defeated the undefeated king Harsha right. But then shortly afterward, Pallavas gave a bloody nose to the same empire which had defeated the then undefeated king. Pallavas ruled over the Chalukyas and most of India south of the Narmada for about 150 years.
They single-handedly built the rock-cut temple complex in Mahabalipuram. It is rumoured that half the temples are actually under the sea, so the Mahabalipuram complex is actually way more impressive than what is visible.
And it is in the Pallava kingdom, you have the genesis of the south-asian script or ‘Pallava Grantha’. Whenever and wherever you read Tamil or see it’s alphabets, remember that it had its origins in the Pallava Grantha. Here is a list of all the languages that owe its existence to the Pallava kingdom as their scripts have their root in this grantha
Tamil Telugu Malayalam Tulu Sinhalese Malay Bahasa Indonesia Thai
And how many pages does the great Pallava dynasty get in our textbook… u guessed it… ZERO.
and Finally
The Cholas
In a speaking convention, the best speaker is always reserved for the last. In a farwell party for your seniors, the most popular guy is always honoured last. So I am mentioning the most important empire in Pre-Islmic Indian history, which also happens to be the most shortchanged, The Cholas, Last.
Just to give you an idea, the Chola empire, if it existed today would have spanned
India Sri Lanka Bangladesh Myanmar Thailand Malaysia Indonesia Vietnam Singapore Maldives
Still not able to visualize the expanse of the Chola Empire, Let me help you
Clearly, Cholas did not know what the word small meant.
Cholas were one of the earliest empires in Indian history, with some estimates dating them back to almost 300 B.C. They are even mentioned by Emperor Ashoka in his pillars, as a friendly empire in the south. Their recorded downfall is in the 1250′s. In pre-medieval India’s highly fluid power equations, the Chola empire was the one and perhaps the only constant.
The good stuff about the Cholas first. I am sure all of you must have heard of the beautiful and the grand temples all over Tamil Nadu. It was the Cholas who added the adjective grand before the temples. The kind of made it a fashion statement to build big temples, covered with intricate carvings, a trend which was essentially followed by his successors transcending empires.
Ever heard of the Brihadeeshwara Temple in Tanjore. It was built by Raja Raja Chola in the 11th century. Let me tell you some quick facts about this place of worship
The Shivling in this temple is the largest of its kind, in the world. The Nandi outside, is, again, the largest in the world. The base of the temple is supposed to be so big, that the shadow of its massive ‘gopuram’ actually does not fall on the ground. The top of the ‘gopuram’ consists of a single granite stone weighing approximately 82 tonnes (82,000 Kgs for those weak in metrics). Now, this being 11th century AD, it was a problem getting that big piece of rock to a height of 63 Metres. So what did the Cholas do? Unsurprisingly they built the world’s largest transport ramp, using some kick-ass trigonometry, which stretched all the way to about 20 Kms, all the way inclining towards the top, which basically allowed the elephants to push the rock all the way up. Once on top, they sent masons to do some intricate carvings on that stone, as if somebody would notice at that height.
No wonder it is called ‘Big’ Temple
Any emperor or empire will consider this piece of art to be the peak of their artistic prowess which will be talked about for generations to come. But Cholas being the Cholas, weren’t satisfied. Raja Raja’s son Rajendra went on to build an exact replica of this temple at a place called Gangai Konda Cholapuram, near the modern town of Chidambaram.
Two big temples, takes quite a beating doesn’t it. Sadly the second temple is not even mentioned in the history books, anywhere. None outside Tamil Nadu even know about its existence, even today.
And also did I tell you, the Cholas were the first in the world to build a fully functional water diversion/water regulation system in the world. Chola king Karikalan built this 329 feet stone dam over the river Kaveri and a network of canals, in 1st century AD, for water storage and irrigation. So when most of the western world was still eating raw animal flesh, Cholas were building dams, navigable canals and were irrigating 10,00,000 (1 Million) hectares of land in their kingdom.
And before I forget, the system they built is in use even today!!!
I don’t have to tell you whether our historians bothered to mention this thing in our textbook.
In case you think Cholas were your peace loving, violence shying role model Emperors, let me move on to some of their badass stuff
Cholas pioneered in the 6th century what we today know as the Navy. Use of ships for fighting battles existed, Battle of Salamis was probably the first naval engagement ever recorded, but Cholas took Naval warfare to an entirely new level. They probably were the first ones to make their Navy a totally independent service with its own powers and not the extension of the army as was the norm then. They also were the first to pioneer the concept of building exclusive fighting ships and the first to implement the idea of fleets.
Their ship building program was instituted and ships were designed and built for different purposes. Trap ships (They called themselves ‘Kannis’ which means a ‘virgin’ in Tamil. They even had a sense of humour) to lure the enemies into traps, destroyers to do what their name suggests, supply ships etc were the some of the different types of Chola Naval vessels. Cholas also were one of the first to evolve strategic naval doctrines, advanced ship formations and naval warfare tactics. They were the first ones to start operating ships in fleets. The smallest fleet in the Chola navy consisted of about 12 ships and the largest went up to 500 or more vessels.
In three words, They kicked ass…
And to match their tactical nous, they augmented their vessels with the then state of the art weaponry, both indigenous and imported from China. Their ships were equipped with catapults and probably the first ship-based flamethrowers. Chola navies were routinely known to annihilate enemies five times their number. The Chola navy, in one line, could be described as
Awesome tactics+Brilliant Ships+Latest Weaponry= Bad news for the enemy
This combination enabled Cholas, to practice the first ever recorded instance of what is today called ‘Gunboat Diplomacy’. Sri Vijaya empire, ruling Cambodia, had the guts to actually sack a Chola Merchant convoy. Cholas responded by taking two fleets of about 500 ships each and obliterating the Sri Vijaya kingdom out of existence. The neighboring king of Kambujadesa, terrified of what happened to his colleague, basically folded his hands, bowed his head and sent an ornamental chariot to appease the Cholas and declared them as his rulers. And Cholas didn’t even have to fire a single shot.
It is also believed by some sources, that Cholas because of a navigational error, landed in Sri Lanka by mistake. And just for fun, they went on to capture the entire country. There is no actual proof of this but knowing the Cholas, this is quite possible.
At their peak Chola ships consisted of about 1000-1500 battle ships divided into 4 fleets placed in strategic locations like Cambodia, Sri Lanka and Kaveripoompatinam in Tamil Nadu also known as Poompuhar. They were so powerful that the Chinese actually requested Cholas to stop the rampant piracy in the straits of Malacca. They even merited mentions in dispatches in faraway Greece for their naval expertise.
And they were no mugs on the land either. Recall the Gangai Konda Cholapuram temple built by Rajaendra Cholan? It literally means ‘Subduing of the river Ganges’. He built the city in honour of his march upto the Ganges river. A south Indian empire stretching from the River Kaveri in the south all the way up to the River Ganga in the North deserves much better treatment in our history books. As one of my friend’s said, if the Cholas had been born in America, DC or Marvel comics would have transformed them into super-heroes with a body of adamantium. Because they were born in India, they get about a quarter page in the text-book.
There were in all a total of 16 Chola kings in the Chola Empire. For all of you who actually read that chapter, you will find only the names of two (Raja Raja Chola and Rajendra Chola) have been mentioned. And all the other kings and important details of their empire have been completely eliminated.
There were other empires too at that time who find next to no mention or even worse no mention at all in our History textbooks. The Rashtrakutas ruling what today will be Maharashtra, Karnataka and Andhra were singularly responsible for three of the top four tourist destinations in the state of Maharashtra today. I am talking about the Ajanta, Ellora and the Elephanta Caves. A Special mention to the Kailas temple in Ellora which is the world’s largest temple cut out of a single piece of rock.
This whole thing was built out of one single piece of rock!!!
Same was the case with the Yadavas, who built the fort of Devagiri or Daulatabad, made famous later by the idiot Mohammad Bin Tughlaq. You know why he specifically chose Devgiri to move his capital?
It is the only fort in recorded history that hasn’t yet fallen in an open battle. It was captured by Alaudiin Khilji through deceit and bribery, but was not won in a fight. Who built it..The Yadavs? Are they mentioned in the History textbook? If you said ‘No’, You got the answer right.
I am not against the lessons on the Islamic empire and their conquests, brutal as they may have been. They are a part of our history. But my question is, aren’t these emperors and their empires a part of our history too? Haven’t these empires contributed to our way of life, our values and principles more than the Islamic kings have ever done? And by eliminating these kingdoms from our history, aren’t you depriving our generation of this great knowledge?
And by this wholesale deletion, aren’t you mutilating history?
For all of you who have developed a sudden interest in the History of India, I will suggest this mind blowing book. Please buy it, the author deserves it.
Was Akbar Great?
From: Vivek Arya < >
Subject: Was Akbar Great?
A new tele-serial have just started on television on Love story of Jodha Akbar, Peaceful reign of Akbar. The brain behind this serial wants to prove that Akbar was a symbol of Hindu-Muslim unity, as he married Hindu princess. But in reality Rajputs of those days have lost the legacy and self pride of their fore-fathers Baapa Rawal and Maharana Sanga except Maharana Pratap who did not send his daughter to Akbar’s Harem but also challenged Akbar in Haldi Ghati with his limited resources and manpower. Maharana Pratap self pride accepted hard life in Jungles instead of seats in Akbar’s durbar. I am providing references from Book Akbar the great Mougal (1542-1605) published in 1917 by Historian Vincent Smith, an English historian which proves that Akbar was a fanatic of radical belief, merciless to enemy, anti Hindu in mindset, drunkard and arrogant .
Akbar earned title of Ghazi by killing already half dead Hindu King Hemu and celebrated his victory by making tower by heads of slain.
Hemu’s artillery, which had been sent on in advance was captured by the vanguard of Akbar’s army in a preliminary engagement. But, even after that loss, the Hindu general still possessed an immense superiority of strength. He relied especially on his 1,500 war elephants, in accordance with ancient Hindu tradition. Each army was drawn up in three divisions. On November 5 Hemu succeeded in throwing both the right and the left wings of his opponents into confusion, and sought to make his victory decisive by bringing all his ‘ mountain-like elephants ‘ to bear on the centre of the enemy, commanded by Khan Zaman. Probably he would have won but for the accident that he was struck in the eye by an arrow which pierced his brain and rendered him unconscious. An Indian army never could survive the loss of its leader, on whose life its pay depended.
Hemu’s soldiers at once scattered in various directions and made no further attempt at resistance. Hemu’s elephant, which had fled into the jungle, was brought back by Shah Kuli Khan Mahram, and its unconscious rider was placed before the Protector and Akbar, who had ridden up. During the battle the young prince had been kept at a safe distance in the rear, and Bairam Khan had left the conduct of the fight to his lieutenants.
Bairam Khan desired Akbar to earn the title of Ghazi, Executor Slayer of the Infidel, by fleshing his sword on the captive. The boy naturally obeyed his guardian and smote Hemu on the neck with his scimitar. The bystanders also plunged their swords into the bleeding corpse. Hemu’s head was sent to Kabul to be exposed, and his trunk was gibbeted at one of the gates of Delhi.
The pursuit of the defeated army being vigorously pressed, the victors next day, without halting, marched straight to Delhi, which opened its gates to Akbar, who made his entry in state. Agra also passed into his possession. In accordance with the ghastly custom of the times, a tower was built with the heads of the slain. Immense treasures were taken from the family of Hemu and his aged father was executed.
(Refer- Akbar the Great Mogul- Vincent Smith page No 38, 39, 40)
—
Akbar married Bairam khan’s wife who was his protector and raised him from childhood.
In 1557-8, the Bairam ladies of the royal family arrived safely from Kabul and Khan rejoined Akbar at Mankot. Akbar marched out a stage to Salima meet them, and was much comforted by the reunion; Begam from Mankot the army marched to Lahore, halting on the way at Jalandhar, where Bairam Khan married Salima
Begam, an accomplished young lady, the daughter of
Humayun’s sister, and consequently a grand-daughter of
Babur and cousin of Akbar. After the fall of Bairam Khan, Akbar married her himself. She lived until 1612, and always ranked as one of the most important ladies of the court.
(Refer- Akbar the Great Mogul- Vincent Smith page No. 40)
—
Merciful Akbar?
Akbar’s annexations were the result of ordinary kingly ambition supported by adequate power. The attack, devoid of moral justification, on the excellent government of Rani Durgavati was made on the principle which determined the subsequent annexations of Kashmir, Ahmadnagar, and other kingdoms. Akbar felt no scruples about initiating a war, and once he had begun a quarrel he hit hard and without mercy. His better nature made itself felt after victory had been secured. Until then his proceedings were much the same as those of other able, ambitious, and ruthless kings.
Rani Durgavati made a gallant defense, but many of her fate soldiers, apparently terrified by the might of the invader, deserted and left her to fight the enemy with inadequate forces. Her final stand was made between Garha and Mandla, now in the Jabalpur District. Mounted on a mighty elephant, she led her men with the utmost bravery until disabled by two wounds from arrows. Choosing death rather than dishonor, she stabbed herself to the heart, so that her end was as noble and devoted as her life had been useful’
(Refer- Akbar the Great Mogul- Vincent Smith page No. 71)
—
Killing of Kafirs nothing more than a play
An extraordinary incident which occurred in April while the royal camp was at Thanesar, the famous Hindu place of at pilgrimage to the north of Delhi, throws a rather unpleasant Thanesar upon Akbar’s character. The sanyasis, or fakirs, who assembled at the holy tank, were divided into two parties, which Abu-1 Fazl calls Kurs and Puris. The leader of the latter complained to the king that the Kurs had unjustly occupied the accustomed sitting-place of the Puris, who were thus debarred from collecting the pilgrims’ alms. Neither party would listen to friendly counsel. Both factions begged permission that the dispute might be decided by mortal combat. The desired leave having been granted, the hostile crowds drew up in line, and the fight began with swords, one man on each side advancing in braggart fashion and starting the fray. Swords were discarded for bows and arrows, and these again for stones.
Akbar, seeing that the Puris were outnumbered, gave the
signal to some of his more savage followers to help the
Weaker party. The reinforcement enabled the Puris to
drive the Kurs into headlong flight. The vanquished were pursued and a number of the wretches sent to annihilation. The dead are said to have been about twenty. The chronicler unctuously adds that ‘ the holy heart, which is the colourist of destiny’s worship, was highly delighted with this sport. The other historians tell us that the numbers originally engaged were two or three hundred on one side and five hundred on the other, so that with the reinforcement the total came to about a thousand. The author of the Tabakat agrees with Abu-1 Fazl that ‘ the Emperor greatly enjoyed the sight
It is disappointing to find that a man like Akbar could
encourage such sanguinary sport and even wantonly
sacrifice the lives of his own soldiers who had no interest in the quarrel.
(Refer- Akbar the Great Mogul- Vincent Smith page No. 78, 79)
—
Massacres by Akbar at Chittodgarh
The jauhar sacrifice completed before the final capture
of the fortress was on a large scale, although far smaller massacres than on previous occasions, if the traditional numbers can and be believed. The fires were kindled in three distinct places, belonging respectively to members of the Sisodia, Rathod and Chauhan clans. Nine queens, five princesses, their daughters, as well as two infant sons, and all the chieftains families who happened not to be away on their estates perished either in the flames or in the assault. Abu-1 Fazl estimates that three hundred women were burnt. During the course of the following morning, when Akbar made his entry, eight thousand Rajputs, vowed to death, sold their lives as dearly as possible and perished to a man.
Akbar, exasperated by the obstinate resistance offered to his arms, treated the garrison and town with merciless severity. The eight thousand Rajput soldiers who formed the regular garrison having been zealously helped during the siege by 40,000 peasants, the emperor ordered a general massacre, which resulted in the death of 30,000. Many, however, were spared and made prisoners.
It is said that Akbar estimated the total of the Rajput dead by collecting and weighing the ‘Brahmanical cords ‘(janeo or zandr), which it is the privilege and obligation of high caste men to wear. The recorded amount was 74|- mans of about eight pounds each.
(Refer- Akbar the Great Mogul- Vincent Smith page No. 89, 90, 91)
—
Akbar drunken freak
A queer story related by Abu-1 Fazl describes an incident which happened at or near Surat. One night, we are told, there was a select drinking-party, and the talk turned upon the disregard for life shown by the heroes of Hindostan. It was said that two Rajput rivals would run from opposite sides against the points of a double-headed spear, or two spears, held by third parties, so that the points would transfix both of the rivals and come out at their backs; Akbar, who could not pretend to have a rival, announced, to the horror of his fellow revelers, that he would fight his sword. He fixed the hilt into the wall, and was about to
transfix himself by rushing against the point, when Raja Man Singh ‘ with the foot of fidelity ‘ kicked down the sword, and in doing so cut his sovereign’s hand. Akbar promptly knocked down Man Singh and squeezed him hard. Saijdd Muzaffar, one of the merry party, was obliged to go so far as to twist Akbar’s injured finger, in order to make him loosen his hold on the throat of Man Singh, whom he would have choked in his rage. The opportune wrench opened Akbar’s wound, but that soon healed. Akbar must have been shockingly drunk. He appears to have had the good sense not to resent the rough measures by which his friends saved him from himself, and it is wonderful that two historians should have had the candor to record the scandalous affair.
Although the uncritical panegyrists of Akbar make no mention of his drunken bouts, and his published sayings include phrases condemnatory of excess in wine, it is certain that for many years he kept up the family tradition and often drank more than he could carry.
(Refer- Akbar the Great Mogul- Vincent Smith page No. 89, 90, 91)
—
Inhuman torture by Akbar
Cruel On the arrival of the emperor at his capital, Husain Kuli Khan (Khan Jahan) waited on him with his prisoners. The eyes of Masud Husain Mirza had been sewn up, and Akbar was credited with kindness because he directed them to be opened. The other prisoners, nearly three hundred in number, met with little mercy. They were brought before Akbar with the skins of asses, hogs, and dogs drawn over their faces. Some of them were executed with various ingenious tortures, and some were released. It is disgusting to find a man like Akbar sanctioning such barbarities. His philosophy sometimes failed to curb the tendency to cruelty which he inherited from his Tartar ancestors. The severities practiced did not finally extirpate the Mirza trouble, which soon broke out again in Gujarat.
(Refer- Akbar the Great Mogul- Vincent Smith page No. 116)
—
Always it was Gain of Islam
Badaoni, the historian, who was then one of Akbar’s court chaplains or Imams, had begged leave of absence to join in the holy war, in which he took part as a follower of Asaf Khan. His description of the battle is the most detailed and accurate extant. He enjoyed himself, in spite of the scorching heat and air like a furnace which made men’s brains boil in their skulls. At one stage in the fierce struggle Badaoni asked Asaf Khan how he could distinguish between the friendly and the enemy Rajputs, and was assured in reply that he could not do wrong if he shot, as sportsmen say, ‘ into the brown ‘, because, as the commander cynically
Observed, ‘ On whichever side they may be killed, it will be a gain to Islam ‘.
Badaoni gladly took the advice, and was soothed by an inward conviction that he had attained the reward due to one who fights against infidels. He also had the pleasure of observing that the son of Jaimall, the hero of Chitor went to hell and that there was much other ‘ good riddance of bad rubbish.
(Refer- Akbar the Great Mogul- Vincent Smith page No. 152,153)
—
There are many such instances from life history of Akbar to support our stand.
Even if intellectual terrorists draw him as peace loving and popular king of Hindu majority of country but they cannot change the History by their cheap methods.
– Dr Vivek Arya
How Pakistan Was Created in 1947 time
From: Vavarkar Vinayak < >
Subject: How Pakistan was created in 1947 time
How Nehru – Gandhi played part in creation of Pakistan.
A long read, it is a historical write up. Please read…
==
Unveiling the Freedom Movement
(of India)
By Anurupa Cinar, 30 Jan 2013
Some sensitive and difficult-to-believe facts of the freedom movement merit our attention, particularly how the Congress, Mohandas Gandhi, and Jawaharlal Nehru planted and nurtured the seed of Pakistan. They did this by actively promoting the Pakistan scheme; and by passively taking several wrong political decisions in their quest for total power in free India. Certainly the demand for Pakistan came from Jinnah and the Muslim League. But Congress gave the Pakistan demand body and shape in the politics of India, while espousing Hindu-Muslim unity. And having come to power, they have orchestrated one of the most successful cover-ups in world history.
The writer believes there are two major landmarks on the pathway to partition, the Khilafat Movement of 1921 which introduced a religious divide into politics; and the Communal Award of 1931 when Gandhi appointed himself as sole delegate to the Round Table Conference (in lieu of 16 delegates); Congress made no effort to oppose the Communal Award and religious divide now entered the Constitution of India. Hindus could only vote for Hindus, Muslims for Muslims and so on. Now, to gain a clear majority in elections, Congress needed to woo Muslims and Muslim appeasement reached new heights from here onwards.
Jinnah pitted his considerable political skills against the Gandhi-Nehru-led Congress, whose thirst for total power was no match for one of the most brilliant politicians of his day. Once Jinnah left the Congress, he had no option but to build a strong Muslim party. In so doing he compromised his secular and nationalist principles. He sacrificed India.
In 1937, Jinnah was extremely suspicious of Gandhi and Nehru, both of whom were riding high as Congress was the only national party of substance and had the support of the Hindu majority. It was bound to be the ruling party in free India. But Gandhi and Nehru always sought absolute power; within Congress itself they brooked no opposition they sought to extend this control over the whole of India. Of course, the communal constitution of India aggravated the Hindu-Muslim struggle. As Penderel Moon, ICS, said, “In essence the struggle [Hindu-Muslim communal struggle] is one for posts and political power between two communities distinguished by religion and culture” (Strangers in India, p 101).
How was power distributed in India in 1937? Congress was the only national Indian party of substance; Jinnah and the Muslim League had yet to develop clout; Savarkar had only just been released from bondage in 1937 and not really back in the political field. This was the moment for the Congress to embrace the Federation plan of the British and bind the whole country, including the Princely States, into one unified force. Viceroy Linlithgow pressed for this, but Congress decided otherwise.
In 1937, the Congress believed both Hindus and Muslims would help it get total control in governing India. But, as RC Majumdar observed, the 1937 elections belied the claims of both the Congress and the Muslim League. Congress was shown to have no contact or influence with the Muslim masses and could not advance any reasonable claim to represent Muslims. Curiously, the Muslim League had a “specially bad record of election success in those Provinces like Bengal, the Punjab, Sindh and North-West Frontier Province where the Muslims formed the majority community, and fared much better in the Provinces which had a strong Hindu majority with a significant and vocal minority.” (History of the Freedom Movement in India, Vol. III, p. 551-52)
What is noteworthy is that the Muslims of the very provinces that were hived off to create Pakistan in 1947 had voted for nationalist Muslim parties in 1937. Clearly, a central federation, if created at this time, would have kept India united. The reason, Majumdar notes, is that the Muslim League had no programme distinct from that of other parties and no local influence in any province. Its platform of serving “as a bulwark of defense against Hindu attack” had no appeal in provinces with a Muslim majority. It was only when the Muslim masses learnt to look upon the problem from an all-India perspective that the Muslim League emerged as the most powerful Muslim organization. Jinnah succeeded in developing this political consciousness among Muslims within an incredibly short time.
Congress intransigence, its insistence that Congress represented the whole of India, helped the League. Majumdar believes Jawaharlal Nehru is especially guilty for refusing to come to terms with the Muslim League till the League had by dint of Congress folly attained a position where it could dictate its own terms: “In 1937 his [Nehru’s] outright rejection of Jinnah’s offer of Congress-League Coalition Ministry ruined the last chance of a Hindu-Muslim agreement.”
The years 1937 and 1938 were crucial in Indian history. Congress’ ambitions to acquire total power in India became crystal clear, not to the masses, but to Viceroy Linlithgow, Jinnah, and Savarkar. From this time onwards, the Congress’ chances of total control were on a downward spiral, which increased its desperation; Jinnah set himself against the Congress by wielding Islam as a very formidable weapon; and Savarkar swooped upon the political field to rouse Hindus to save their motherland. This led to Congress indulging in more scheming, creating a vicious circle.
RC Majumdar notes (p. 561) that it was taken for granted in the Report of the Simon Commission and the discussions at the Round Table Conference that the main communities, especially the Muslims, ought to and would be represented in the Provincial Ministries. Having accepted the Communal Award without a protest, it was incumbent upon Congress to accept its dictates. But the Congress High Command was used to ruling Congress like a dictatorship and sought to govern the Provinces in the same manner. So when the Congress decided to accept office it determined that in the Congress Provinces the Ministers should be selected solely from the Congress Party, and offered to include members of the Muslim League on conditions which practically meant its dissolution and merger with the Congress.
No wise statesman could seriously believe the Muslim League would give up its separate identity. The Congress mass contact movement for Muslims also had the approach that Congress alone could dispense patronage. But Jinnah out-maneuvered the Congress High Command and by 1938, Jinnah asserted that the pre-condition for negotiations was recognition that the Congress and the League were the only representative bodies respectively of Indian Hindus and Muslims. Jinnah also made it clear in a letter to Subhash Bose (2 August 1938) that the Congress committee to discuss Hindu-Muslim questions should not include Muslims, something Congress could not accept without stultifying its history as a national organization of Indians of all faith and communities.
Jinnah thus reduced Congress to a Hindu party. In the years that followed, Gandhi and Nehru sought to be rid of him through partition. Nehru wrote in his diary on December 28, 1943: “Instinctively I think it is better to have Pakistan or almost nothing if only to keep Jinnah far away and not allow his muddled and arrogant head from (sic) interfering continually in India’s progress”. How was this seed of Pakistan planted?
The Government of India Act of 1935 called for the formation of a Central Federation. But Congress set itself against the Federation and resisted Viceroy Linlithgow in the endeavour to unite all the Provinces and Princely States, which incidentally would have nipped any thought of partition in the bud. Birla, Gandhi’s mouthpiece, put an unbelievable proposal before the Viceroy: “Birla said that the communal position in India was getting rapidly worse. Congress was aware of it and its leaders were deeply anxious. He then suggested that the best course might be to let the Muslims have their Federation of the North-West. This astonished Linlithgow, who thought at first that Birla was teasing him. When he saw that the suggestion was serious he asked Birla whether he envisaged the perpetuation of British military power to keep peace between Muslim and Hindu Federation…. This was a most interesting conversation. It showed clearly Linlithgow’s dread of partition and therefore his shock at encouragement for it coming from a Hindu.” (The Viceroy at Bay, John Glendevon, p 88)
This conversation took place in 1938. A Muslim Federation of the North-West is nothing but another name for Pakistan. Jinnah’s Pakistan Resolution came in 1940.
In 1939, with the Second World War under way, Linlithgow tried to keep all parties of India happy. He met 52 leaders of various parties to hear a cross-section of opinion and thought of an all-party meeting to make the Central Federation work and get cooperation for the war. He first met the Congress leaders, one by one, as Congress controlled eight out of the eleven provinces. The Congress High Command angled for total control at the center and threatened resigning from the ministries and boycotting of the all-party meeting as a way of twisting the Viceroy’s arm. Gandhi asked the Viceroy for a declaration of British intent and power-sharing with the Congress at the Centre (The Viceroy at Bay, John Glendevon, p 142)
The Viceroy could not do so as the army, critical to the war effort, comprised largely of Muslims, a point Congress never grasped as it continued to oppose the Central Federation. Congress also opposed an All-Party meeting holding that only Congress should be considered in Indian politics. Jinnah felt that a declaration would only increase communal tension. He saw no chance of unity unless Congress gave up the claim to speak on behalf of all parties and recognized the Muslim League as spokesman for the Muslims.
By 1939, Viceroy Linlithgow was in an unenviable position as he had to keep both Congress and the League happy. Walking a tightrope, his attitude toward Jinnah changed, which the latter astutely perceived. Congress was also in a strong position with the Viceroy but lack of political acumen cost it dearly. Congress demanded that India be declared an independent nation, but the British were not going to plan to leave India when they were in deathly combat with Hitler. VP Menon observed that if Congress had only discussed reconstitution of the Executive council, the Viceroy may have gone more than halfway meet it. But in wartime there was no question of converting the Executive Council into a national government. Had Congress joined the Viceroy’s Executive Council at this time, and with Congress ministries coming back into power in the provinces, the political situation would have changed to the advantage of the Congress. Once Congress rejected the offer the Viceroy was in no mood to continue parleys with it. (Transfer of Power, p 97)
On 17 October 1939, the Viceroy issued a statement reiterating that Dominion Status was the goal of British policy, but for the present the Act of 1935 would hold. The Congress Working Committee called this ‘an unequivocal reiteration of the imperialist policy’ and called upon the Congress Ministers to resign, which they subsequently did. Secretary of State Sir Samuel Hoare and the Viceroy offered more powers to Indians in the administration, but Congress was adamant and removed itself from the scene. The Viceroy canvassed the support of the Muslim League, which grew in strength and was joined by the waverers among the Muslims. In March 1940, the League at its Lahore session formally demand for a separate Muslim State.
Even within the Congress, the decision to resign was widely regretted, as it only weakened the bargaining power of the Congress. Henceforth, Jinnah had a veto on further constitutional progress.
*
By resigning from the Provincial Ministries in 1939, the Congress had put itself outside the political pale. Jinnah now emerged strong and powerful, in the Viceroy’s good books. In March 1940 the Muslim League formally demanded Pakistan. And no sooner than it did so, than the Congress began to push the Pakistan scheme, subtly, but surely.
While researching Gandhi, one noticed his talent for expressing two opposing ideas and making them seem reasonable. For instance: “As a man of nonviolence, I cannot forcibly resist the proposed partition if the Muslims of India really insist upon it.” This is followed by: “But I can never be a willing party to the vivisection. . . .” (Mahatma Gandhi, Dhananjay Keer, p 682)
The Pakistan plan was now insidiously launched. This is what Gandhi said to an Englishman (openly published in his Harijan, May 4, 1940): ‘I would any day prefer Muslim rule to British rule… The partition proposal had altered the face of Hindu-Muslim problem…’ He granted that, “Pakistan cannot be worse than foreign domination.”
By 1942, Congress was done with these oblique references to accepting Pakistan. Jinnah and the Muslim League were becoming a big hindrance in their path. The Congress High Command now made a drastic, treacherous move. “The Working Committee of the Indian National Congress proclaimed emphatically by a resolution at Delhi in April 1942, ‘that the Congress could not think in terms of compelling the people of any territorial unit to join the Indian Union against their declared and established will.’ This historic resolution brought into bold relief the fact that Congress favoured the right of self-determination or secession, i.e., ‘Pakistan.’
Dealing with Congress resolution four years later, Dr. Pattabhi Sitaramayya admitted: ‘It is evident that the passage concedes the division of India into more than one State and gives the go-by to the Unity and integrity of India’. (Keer, p 307) So the Pakistan resolution was passed by the Congress Working Committee in April 1942, five years before Partition and independence. But the All-India Congress Committee was clueless about this treacherous resolution, so the party High Command had to ensure that the AICC also accepted the Pakistan resolution.
Rajagopalachari set to work. On 23April 1942, Rajaji managed to get two resolutions passed by the Congress members in the Madras legislature. The first recommended to the AICC (which was about to meet in Allahabad) that Congressmen should acknowledge the Muslim League’s claim for separation should they persist at the time of framing the constitution of India. This resolution urged that ‘to sacrifice the chances of the formation of a national government for the doubtful advantage of maintaining a controversy over the unity of India is the most unwise policy’ and it had become necessary to choose the lesser evil.
But the AICC opposed this sellout on 29 April and adopted a counter-resolution that ‘any proposal to disintegrate India by giving liberty to any component State or territorial unit to secede from the Indian Union or Federation will be detrimental to the best interests of the people of the different States and provinces and the country as a whole and the Congress, therefore, cannot agree to any such proposal.’ (Transfer of Power, VP Menon, p 139)
The Congress High Command however, was adept in getting its way. Dr. Sayyid Abdul Latif of Hyderabad asked Maulana Azad to clarify the status and was told by Azad in his letter of August 6, 1942: ‘No part of the Delhi resolution to which you refer has in any way been affected or modified by any subsequent resolution of the AICC.’ Nehru assured Dr Latif that Babu Jagat Narayan’s ‘resolution does not in any way override the Delhi Working Committee resolution’. (Keer, p 700) Interestingly, all the Muslim members of the AICC opposed the Akhand Hindustan (united India) resolution of the AICC – like the Congress high command.
Two days later, on August 8, 1942, Congress launched the Quit India Movement. The same day, Gandhi wrote to Jinnah and to a Muslim businessman in Bombay that he had no objection to Britain handing over power to the Muslim League subject to certain provisos (Keer, p 708). At the same time, his mouthpiece, Rajagopalachari, was encouraging the idea of accepting Pakistan among the people.
As for the “Quit India” challenge to the Raj, Britain was being asked to go but leave behind her army! Was it independence that Indians run the civil government and some form of British military rule continue? (Keer, p 704). It was left to Rajaji to explain to Gandhi the folly of this stand.
By 1943, the provinces that Jinnah claimed for Pakistan, namely Assam, Sind, Bengal, and the North-West Frontier Province came under League ministries; he already controlled Punjab. Jinnah and the Muslim League were in a very strong position with the British and the Muslims in India. As an aside one may mention that Savarkar, too, had against all odds developed the Hindu Mahasabha into a party of some standing.
The Congress was not in a sound position and Nehru was indiscreet enough to record his frustrations in his jail diary (December 28, 1943): “Instinctively I think it is better to have Pakistan or almost nothing if only to keep Jinnah far away and not allow his muddled and arrogant head from (sic) interfering continually in India’s progress”. (Selected Works of Jawaharlal Nehru; First Series; Vol. 13; p 324)
Rajaji was actively promoting the Pakistan scheme everywhere. He met Gandhi in the Aga Khan palace and Gandhi blessed Rajaji’s scheme, after which Rajaji offered it to Jinnah in April 1943, but Jinnah did not pay much attention at this stage. Both Rajagopalachari and Gandhi kept this secret (Keer, p 716). By 1944, the whole ugly story spilled out in public, with statements from all the main actors. Rajaji issued a statement on July 16, 1944, from Panchgani: ‘It is now two years since I started work, even though I had secured Gandhi’s unqualified support to the scheme and it conceded all that the Muslim League had ever demanded in its resolution of 1940.’ Though shocked when the scheme became public, Congressmen kept culpably quiet and allowed Gandhi to vivisect the motherland. Gandhi’s personal genuflection before Jinnah makes sad reading, but Dhananjay Keer has done a sterling service in this regard.
When Wavell became the Viceroy, he convened a conference at Simla based mainly on the Bhulabhai Desai-Liaquat Ali pact of 1945, and kept the Hindu Mahasabha out. The Hindu Mahasabha made massive protests against the unjust Simla Conference all over India and even in Simla itself; the conference ended in failure.
Wavell then announced that elections would be held by end of December 1945 at the Central and later on at Provincial level to decide which parties would play a part in governing free India. The winners would negotiate the final deal of independence with the British. This was not a good time for Congress as Savarkar’s Hindu Mahasabha stood a good chance of capturing the Hindu seats while the League would get the Muslim seats.
But High Command found a way out of this bind, which we shall sum up briefly. Realising that Indians hated the idea of partition, Congress claimed to stand for a united India; it went out of its way to support the Indian National Army soldiers and defend them at their trials (after having called them ‘traitors’). They used dirty tricks to sabotage the Hindu Mahasabha, to the extent that the Hindu Mahasabha president withdrew from the elections! Savarkar being completely incapacitated by ill health could do nothing to campaign for the party and so the Congress foul play succeeded. In the end, Congress won the Hindu seats and the Muslim seats went to the Muslim League.
The Cabinet Mission plan for a Union of India embracing all the provinces and Princely States was the last chance for the united India. Formally accepted by both parties, it was gently sabotaged by Nehru suggesting to the CWC on 6 July 1946 that Congress could alter the plan using its strength at the Centre. Many objective historians concluded that Nehru had destroyed India’s last change of remaining united (RC Majumdar, Vol III, p 770). It was this that led to Jinnah calling for Direct Action and all the tragedy that subsequently unfolded…
Savarkar issued a fervent appeal to Congress leaders on May 29, 1947, urging them not to accept partition and to demand a plebiscite to decide such a momentous issue involving the life and death of the nation and the destiny of future generations (Keer, Veer Savarkar, p 381).
Anurupa Cinar is author of a historical novel, Burning for Freedom, Trafford Publishing, USA, 2012; she lives in Massachusetts and writes and researches for www.savarkar.org. She blogs at www.anurupacinar.blogspot.com and www.anurupacinar.com
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Muslim league of 1906, then Hindu Mahasabha’s, demand for Hindu nation, and the Khilafat Movement of 1921 were the part of British policy to divide India.
Hindus could only vote for Hindus, Muslims for Muslims.
The division of India was only a compromise to rule over India on the name of so called Hindu religion with illusory fear of conversion.
It is history which you have accepted about Muslim arrival and conversion, and the origin of Islam in Arabian country. In this reference it is important to note that invaders were against idol worship and came for looting India and to spread Islam. Accordingly they have converted the weaker sections in large and destroyed temples. India was not united; hence they got the opportunity to rule over India. Most of the invaders turned back leaving their representative as rulers and converted followers. Their sacrifice, administration reforms and wars were confined to their interest of ruling. They have failed to convert Indians at large in masses, due to indigenous caste system and Dharma-duty; they have called indigenous Indians to Hindu and India as Hindustan. In the mean time the converted Muslims were absorbed as a caste in the Indian caste system and both the so called Hindu and Muslim cooperated with the Moughal rulers to rule over India, up to 1857, which we call as slavery of India. and Muslim rule. Without the cooperation of converted Muslim and so called indigenous Hindu it was not possible to rule over India for such a long period for Moughal kings.
India was not having any organized religion under caste system, and spiritual freedom, the invaders have considered it as polytheistic Hindu religion as compared to their monotheistic religion. It has been grasped by Akbar, and he has started “Din A Elahi” and Dara has written ‘Allopnishad’ to establish cooperation among indigenous Indians and converted Muslims.
When Aurangzeb faced the difficulty in ruling over India,’ he has imposed ‘Jajiya kar’ on Hindu and created the conflict of Krishna Janmbhumi and implemented divide and rule policy. Up to 1857 nobody was successful in creating rift between Hindu and Muslim at a large, both were fighting for the kings simultaneously.
With the arrival of East India Company and British rule over India, the Britishers have imposed Christianity and missionary churches to convert Indians into Christian faith. They have observed the cultural integrity among Indians, and faced the revolution of 1857 as Muslim and Hindu to gather. To break this unity, they have created the conflict of Ram Janm Bhumi and Babri Masjid first time, otherwise so called Hindu and Muslim were going there for worship and Namaz simultaneously as per their faith.
As per their organized religion they have demarcated indigenous Indians as Hindu religion and Muslim religion to promote Christianity with divide and rule policy. The Britishers have established Muslim League in 1906, and later on supported Hindu Mahasabha as two political parties to fight elections with limited democratic setup in India. It has created conflict and chaos in society. To oppose it the congress has adopted secularism to oppose religious fundamentalism, which was used during French revolution to oppose the authority of church in Europe.
The discovery of scientifically developed Indus Valley and its unknown script by Sir John Marshal has given further clues for divide and rule policy with shrewd politics, and they have imposed Aryan invasion theory to justify their arrival in India. and Muslim rule over India.
With shrewd cunning politics the British ruler has imposed that Hindu and Muslim are two races, which cannot leave together, and ultimately divided India and Indians forever on the name of the so called Hindu religion. With communal riots to rule over India on the name of religion, We have ourselves proved that we cannot leave together, and independent India has adopted the same parliamentary democracy, which enhance the communal conflict and chaos in the society.
The History written by the European scholars and the British Encyclopedia are motivated by British emperor, The British History of India is also the same.
no body was in a position to challenge their concept of Hindu religion and Aryan invasion theory, all were bound to accept the same. It was opposed and grasped by Sri Aurobindo, Netaji Subhash, and Moulana Abdul Kalam Azad only. They have given reaction in their own way, but were not successful in a scenario of lust to rule over the country.
The freedom at midnight of 15th August 1947 was a compromise with British Government to rule over the India and Pakistan on the name of so called religious superstition. To safeguard the interests of the converted Christians and Muslims, they have prepared the constitution in 1935, it was accepted by the Indian Government with few modifications.
Now we are free to fight with each other and to blame each other for brutality or to impose the brutality on the Government. The motto of the politicians is only to rule over the country with divide and rule policy, we are only the soldiers. They have nothing to with country’s glory. For them everything pertaining to India is Hindu religion, and to safeguard the interests of Christians and Muslim on the name of minority is their inherited duty from their British lord.
Our foundation of freedom is on the false fake ground of Hindu religion and Aryan invasion. The Indian subcontinent is original home land of Vedic Indians ,and Aryan means well cultured, it is not a race or culture, it has enlightened the world in past and India was World leader – Guru once in the history, to devalue the Indian Glory of past, the Britisher have given Aryan invasion and Hindu religion.
They were well acquainted with the past glory of India, by which the Vedic culture was all over the world and the scientifically developed Indus Valley cities were its testimony and confirmation. The concept of Zero, Dharma and Creator God have spread from India, it came back to India with the concept of one God and religious superstition.
The original concept of the creator was a scientific invention of India, and not a illusion or hallucination with the discovery of DNA in ancient era has given the concept of rebirth and death in the nature. It has been accepted as reincarnation or Kayamat in the religious scriptures.
The British emperor has divided Indian subcontinent and Indians to glorify the Britain and leaved Indians to fight forever. The Indian leaders have compromised with a lust to rule over India.
After the violence of 1947 with independence, the British Gov’t, has instructed to the president Jinnah and pt, Nehru to check the communal riots, and to follow the instructions they have given assurance to public for safety to check the migration of Muslim from India, and Hindu from Pakistan.
But the platform on which Hindu and Muslim are standing on the same ground is religious superstition, and fundamentalism forever. As a slave of British ruler, we were having no answer and not in a position to give answer. and now as a mental slave with lust of desire to rule over each other, we are unable to think and give answer to our British Lord, and suffering from ego of freedom.
With regards
Dr.C.P.Trivedi
Dr.C.P.Trivedi
January 30, 2013
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Gandhi was not sure about dividing India on the grounds of religious separatism as he believed himself as secular and irreligious. The majority Hindus’ perception of Gandhi had overwhelmed on many occasions whenever he wanted to bring the conflict to an amicable settlement. His dream of united India remained as dream despite his calculated efforts and concerns over the future of people of both the religions. More specifically, he was worried much about the frequent postponement of declaration of independent status to India and a possibly astute denial of freedom by the British.
At one point of time, on 17th July, 1944 that Gandhi wrote to Jinnah: “I have not written to you since my release. Today my heart says that I should write to you. We will meet whenever you choose. Do not disappoint me.”
Personally, Gandhi had a sort of aspiration and self-confidence in bringing some form of self-determination for Muslims within a united India, although it remained as just his personal desire. Forfeiting his personal judgment, he was adamant on implementing the Rajagopalachari formula as his political agenda.
Jinnah was adamant on his “two nations” theory based on the fact that Hindus and Muslims, however scattered all over the country, are entirely foreign to each other. And, this was the thematic resolution of the Muslim League’s Lahore Resolution of March 1940.
Gandhi held talks 14 times with Jinnah in Bombay in 1944, about a united front. And, it was all back-to-back talks between these two highly respected leaders and when it finally ended without agreement in a meeting held in September 1944.
While negotiating with Jinnah, a highly resolute point of stance was taken by Gandhi when he suggested that he should be allowed to meet the Muslim League Council to make them see the reasonableness of his proposals. “…Give me an opportunity of addressing them. If they feel like rejecting it I would like you to advise the Council to put it before the open session of the League… If you will accept my advice and permit me I would attend the open session and address it’.” That idea did not work as expected as the council rejected his proposal. It was at this point of time, did Gandhi truly realize Jinnah’s stronghold and the ground realities of the divided populace which is actually driving the partition issue. With the conflict deepens to its core, Gandhi felt a sense of democratic upheaval which necessitated him to suggest an alternative way of putting the issue to arbitration.
“Is it irrelevant or inadmissible to supplement our efforts to convince each other with outside help, guidance, advice or even arbitration?” he asked Jinnah.
And finally, during the meeting of the Viceroy with the Indian leaders on 3rd June, 1947, Gandhi was just a mere spectator. Much of his views were delivered by Patel and Kripalani and the resolution of Partition of India was passed.
– Balamurali Balaji
Founder, BB systems (CIT-GPNP)
Administrator: http://www.Gandhitopia.org
Balamurali Balaji
February 01, 2013
Source: http://www.vijayvaani.com/ArticleDisplay.aspx?aid=2662
List of Hindu Temples destroyed by Islam
From: Rajput < >
List of Hindu Temples destroyed by Islam
ONE MORE DEMAND, THE MOST IMPORTANT ONE:
We also need to show ETERNAL commitment to “AKHAND BHARAT”.
The goal may seem “impossible” to achieve now but so did Pakistan seem to Jinnah initially. The CHALLENGE was relatively the SAME but to the man of JIHADI Mental Disposition (Jinnah) it looked small but to the much bashed, battered and demoralised pacifist Gandhi it looked the size of an elephant.
Partition was the result of BULLYING by the Muslims- the aggression by a minority. It defied Logic, Reason, Secularism and Democracy. India emerged beaten, defeated, shaken, mauled and drastically reduced in size- and instantly “hijacked by a Bandit”.
Post Partition India was like a demolished house after Tsunami. We are the NATIVES with roots and stake in it, and have to REPAIR it, not leave it “bleeding”. It is OUR soil, and it is sacred to us.
Land is sacred. That is why our ancestors called it “Dharti Maata”. All the places of worship on it are also sacred and, therefore, must be recovered. Only in “Akhand Bharat” will our betrayed temples recover dignity, get repaired & maintained and receive pilgrims freely.
Here is a short list:
In Bangladesh:
Dhakeshwari Temple, Dhaka Kantaji Temple, Dinajpur Chandranath Temple, Chittagong Adinath Temple, Moheshkhali, Cox’s Bazar Bhabanipur Shaktipeeth, Bhabanipur, Sherpur Upazila, Bogra Ramna Kali Mandir in the Ramna area of Dhaka was the primary Hindu temple of East Bengal but was destroyed by the West Pakistan Army in March 1971. Jeshoreshwari Kali Temple, Shyamnagar, Satkhira Baba Lokenath Brahmachari Ashram, Barodi, Narayongonj Kal Bhairab Temple, Brahmanbaria Puthia Temple Complex, Rajshahi
In Azad Kashmir:
In Balochistan
In Islamabad Capital Territory
- Saidpur Temple, Saidpur, Islamabad
In Khyber Pakhtunkhwa
- Araya Temple, Nawanshehr area, Abbottabad (ruined/under illegal occupation)
- Shiva Temple and Dusehra House (old)- Abbottabad (ruined/under illegal occupation)
- Krishna Temple (old)–Abbottabad (destroyed/no building longer exists)
- Shiva Temple (ancient)- Mansehra, Chitti Gatti/Gandian location (in use)
- Shiva Temple (former, now a public library)– Mansehra town (no longer a temple)
- Bareri Mata/Durga Temple and Shrine, on Bareri hill–Mansehra (destroyed/no longer in regular use,location sometimes visited by pilgrims and tourists)
- Nandi Mandir – Peshawar
- Balmiki (Valmiki) Mandir – Peshawar
- Shiv Mandir – Nowshera
- Laxmi Narain Mandir – Mardan
- Kali Mandir – Dera Ismail Khan (illegally occupied being used as a hotel)
In West Punjab
- Aditya Sun temple – Multan
- Jagannath Temple – Sialkot
- Katasraj temple, Katas Village – Chakwal
- Krishna Temple, Ravi Road, Lahore
- Old Temple – Sialkot (not used)
- Sri Narasimha Temple – Multan
- Suraj Kund Temple – Multan.
In Sindh
- Samadha Ashram, Shikarpur, Sukkur
- Shankaranand Bharti, Shikarpur, Sukkur
- Khat Wari Darbar, Shikarpur, Sukkur
- Sadh Belo, Rohri, Sukkur
- Wasan Shah Darbar, Rohri, Sukkur
- Baba Garib Das Darbar, Gospur, Kandhkot
- Jhulay Lal Mandir, Bagarji, Sukkur
- GURU Nanik DASS Mandir, Shahdad Kot
- Baba Khat wala shahib Mandir, Shahdad Kot
- Shiv Mandir, Shahdad Kot
- Baba Hiradaram Mandir, Shahdad Kot
- Bhagnari Shiv Mandir, Kakri Ground – Karachi
- Darya Lal Sankat Mochan Mandir (also called Jhoolay Lal Mandir), Custom House – Karachi
- Devi Mandir, Bombay Bazar – Karachi
- Hanuman Mandir, Doli Khata – Karachi
- Hanuman Mandir, Frere Road – Karachi
- Hinglaj Mata Mandir, (also called Jagannath Akhra Mandir), Bhimpura – Karachi
- Kali Mata Temple – Umerkot
- Shiv Mandir – Umerkot
- Krishna Mandir – Umerkot
- Shri Laxmi Narayan Mandir, Native Jetty – Karachi
- Manhar Mandir Kathwari Mandir, Rancho Line – Karachi
- Mata Mandir, Doli Khata – Karachi
- Malir Mandir, Shah Faisal Colony – Karachi
- Narsingh Mahadev Mandir, Risala – Karachi
- Panjmukhi Mahraj Hanoman Mandir, Soldier Bazar – Karachi
- Pamwal Das Shiv Mandir, Baghdadi, Saddar – Karachi
- Purana Mandir, Saddar, – Karachi
- Rat Nageshwar Mahadev Mandir, Clifton – Karachi
- Ramchandra Mandir, Saddar – Karachi
- Ramswamy Mandir, Ramswamy – Karachi
- Sheetala Mata Mandir, Bhimpura, Karachi
- Shiv Mandir, Islamia College, Karachi
- Shri Laxmi Narayan Hanuman Mandir, Native Jetty – Karachi
- Shri Swaminarayan Mandir, Muhammad Ali Jinnah Road – Karachi
- Shri Devi mata mander Chelhar Distt: Mithi Thar
- Shri murli mander chelhar Distt: Mithi Thar
- Shri Ramapi mander chelhar Distt: Mithi Thar
- Shiv mander chelhar distt: Mithi thar
- Kathwari Harijan MANHAR MANDIR
- Shri Punch Mukhi Hanuman Mandir, Garden East – Karachi
- Shri Varun Dev Mandir, Manora, Karachi, Pakistan
- Krishna Mandar kantio Tharparkar
- Shri Hanuman Mandir, JPMC Karachi
- Shri Mari Amman (Mata)Temple, JPMC F/Type Karachi
- Shri Mari Maata Mandir, Korangi Karachi
- Shri Murlidhar Mandir Mithi Tharparker
- Shri Krishna Mandar Mithi THARPARKER
- Shri Hanuman Mander Mithi Tharparkar
- Shri Pir Pithoro Mander Mithi Tharparkar
- Shri Ramapir Mander Mithi Tharparkar
- Shantoshi Maa Mander Mithi Tharparkar
- SHIV parvati Mander Mithi tharparkar
- Lokesh mander Mithi tharparkar
SIKH GURDSWARAS LEFT IN PAKISTAN
1. Janam Asthaan, Nanakana Sahib: The most important historic Gurdwara. The present building was constructed with the approval of Maharaja Ranjit Singh in 1819-20 AD. 2. Baal Leela, Nanakana Sahib: 3. Pattee Sahib, Nanakana Sahib: This sacred Gurdwara is located near the Gurdwara Baal Leela. 4. Keyara Sahab, Nanakana Sahib: 5. Maaljee Sahib, Nanakana Sahib: 6. Sacha Sauda, Chuharhkana, Sheikhupura: 7. Sach Khand, Chuharhkana: 8. Tamboo Sahib, Nanakana Sahib: 9. Rorhee Sahib, Eminabad, Gujranwala: 10. Chakkee Sahib, Eminabad, Gujranwala: 12. Gurdwara Nanak Garh, Badami Bagh, Lahore: 13. Gurdwara of First Guru at Chhota Mufti Baqar in Lahore: 14. Gurdwara Chowbacha Sahib at Dharampura, Lohore: v |
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Are these places are holy and sacred to the Hindus and Sikhs like MECCA to the Mohammedans and Jerusalem to the Christians? Will the Muslims and the Christians ever surrender their historic mosques and churches in the Middle East to the Hindus and Sikhs?
Therefore, how are the HINDUS perceived by the ENEMY? Should we live under this shadow of surrender or “teach them a lesson” to REVISE their perception about us? What do all the Hindus think? What do we prefer: One day basking in the sun of victory, or a hundred years in the shadow of defeat?
We cannot accept mutilation of India (Partition) until there is REFERENDUM and EXCHANGE OF POPULAITON. Even the “Indian” Muslims are left divided and broken into three parts (Pakistani, Indian and the “Bogus deshi”!)
How do we assess their potential for destruction & mischief in the future? How will they react & behave In the current state of provocation and tensions (Owaisi’s threat to wipe out the Hindus in 15 minutes!)? Do we submit to living with the menace or nip the evil in the bud?
Will they not continue their JEHAD till they get Delhi like Lahore, and Kolkata like Karachi? What is the learned view of the Hindu nation under the perennial Islamic “siege”?
Demand for the ultimate national IDEAL called “Akhand Bharat” can never be time barred so long as there is even one enemy (MUSLIM) present in HINDUSTHAN and the Hindus “dead as dodo” in Pakistan. Pakistan must go if we are to treat the INDIAN Muslims with trust.
Let us speak and write like brave MEN. Churchill promised VICTORY to his nation (in the full hearing & knowledge of our own “appeasing apostle” called MK Gandhi) soon after the evacuation from DUNKIRK, in the darkest hour of Britain. Churchill was not the trembling appeasing MK Gandhi.
Guru Gobind Singh ji created the FIVE warriors (Khalsa) to confront the mighty Evil Empire in order to TURN THE TIDE while he was himself being relentlessly pursued by the enemy after the beheading of his own father, Guru Tegh Bahadur, in Delhi.
Territory (LAND) is the ultimate goal of all invaders, predators and anti Hindu forces. For centuries now our leaders have not been able to peep into the minds of MULLAHS and MISSIONARIES. That is why that “political witch” Maimoona Begum (aka “Indira Gandhi”) did not lift a finger to raise SRI RAM TEMPLE in AYODHYA but attacked the centuries old sacred Harimandir Sahib Temple in AMRITSAR. We need to seriously analyze their actions and try to see their motives and motivation. We must not cremate the victims of Muslim attacks any more.
NB: The pseudo-secular “rubber stamp” President is sitting in the chair where since 1192 AD all the incumbents (emperors and Viceroys) have been provided by the INVADERS. Without exception they all came mainly for three goals, namely, (1) LOOT, PLUNDER & RAPE, (2) to CONVERT the natives to their FOREIGN Faiths, and (3) to “de-Hinduise” the LAND.
Oracle said, “Give me a country for 30 days and I shall make them all behave like donkeys.” How true!
Within 30 days all the freedom fighters were shot or beheaded, the rest left intimidated and terrified, all the females of the defeated race were raped, all the holy places, schools and scriptures were destroyed, history was re-written, the subjugated people were made to creep & crawl before the rulers and ordered to learn and speak the language of the new masters. Can anyone disagree?
The nation needs a MAN, a WARRIOR, (even a female like Rani of Jhansi) once again, to encourage, inspire, recover, assume control and declare “Hindu Rashtra”.
– Rajput
March 10, 2013.
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